Army – The Muscle of India's rising Power

Karan Kharb

The Army is the principal arm of our military might. With a strength of 11.77 lakh personnel on active list, it ranks second largest in the world after the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of China.  More importantly, the Indian Army distinguishes itself from the rest of the world armies on many counts.  Firstly, in the post-World War II era, India's victory in the 1971 Indo-Pak war was the most decisive victory that created an independent sovereign nation – Bangladesh. The surrender of 93,000 strong Pakistan Army in Dhaka was also a unique historic event in the modern world.  Secondly, deployed at the Saltoro-Siachen complex,  world's highest battlefield with heights ranging from 18,000 to 25,0000 feet above mean sea level and the sub-zero temperature as low as –50° Celsius, the Indian soldiers have beaten back numerous attacks launched by the Pakistan Army to snatch these strategic heights from India since 1984. Thirdly, despite having fought five wars and endless cross border skirmishes, troops remain actively deployed in counter-insurgency and counter-terrorist operations in as varied environments as humid forests of the Northeast, hilly forests, valleys and icy mountains of Jammu and Kashmir in the north.  

Relentless Commitment

Nowhere in the developed world are armies physically deployed to protect borders as in the case of India. Here the army remains deployed and actively engaged along most part of the great Himalayas along the 4,056 km long Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China and 2740 km long border with Pakistan from Pt NJ 4982 in the north to the point where Sir Creek meets the Arabian Sea including 740 km Line of Control (LoC) in J&K. There have been intermittent battles and localised wars along this line in the past and the cross border firing has hardly ever ceased. After years of sustained counter insurgency operations in the Northeast, some stability has been achieved but thanks to the porous borders and underdeveloped woody terrain, the region affords safer escape and support routes to and from Myanmar, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and China. Influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh has altered the demography of Assam adding another dimension to the insurgency in the region. Deeper in the hinterland, the Maoist insurgency has already spread to a number of states forming what has come to be called a 'Red Corridor' connecting underdeveloped areas from Nepal to Karnataka and beyond. 

It hardly needs any elaboration that the Army has remained committed in the interior parts of Jammu and Kashmir fighting Pakistan sponsored proxy war that has frequently hit cities and towns considered safer being far away from the borders.  Audacious terror attacks have often surprised the authorities and the masses in the serene environs of heartland India from time to time. Vital institutions and establishments like the Parliament, Red Fort, Akshar Dham temple at Gandhinagar, Taj Hotel in Mumbai and so on have been audaciously targeted in the past.  Enhanced threat perception and probability of such attacks impose heavy responsibility on the army units and formations even in peace stations. 

It is common for the army units to swap roles every two-three years from plains to mountains; from the high mountains of Arunachal to the marshlands of Kutch; from the glacial north to the jungles of Nagaland; from the clammy jungles to the sand dunes of Jaisalmer. Diversity of operational environments, unpredictable time and spot of crises and fleeting nature of near invisible enemy have kept the Indian Army on the toes even in peace locations. On its flipside, nevertheless, there is an advantage of this 24x7 involvement. Every crisis throws up new challenges and more lessons. This abundance of experience has enriched the Indian Army professionally so well that doctrines and operational techniques conceptualised by the Indian military brains have been adopted by many other armies, especially those operating alongside Indian units in the UN peacekeeping missions.  

Charting a New Course

The Prime Minister, the national security establishment and foreign policy advisors in his government are a team of competent experts who could evolve effective strategies to foster relations and to assert India's legitimate role in South Asia and beyond. In the new age relations, India will require credible military muscle to protect its economic, commercial and political interests in the region.  Narendra Modi's aura as a connective and assertive leader with vision should inspire the policy makers in New Delhi to blend India's Hard Power into Soft Power so as to evolve 'Smart Power' that would not be coercive but powerfully persuasive; not offensive but effectively protective; not competitive but cooperative; not hegemonic but accommodating to harmonise with the Prime Minister's declared policy of 'Make in India'.

Even as the Indian Army has been so continually deployed in multifarious roles, its enormous potential has remained captive within India's land borders except, to a limited extent, its role in the UN peacekeeping missions. The world is changing fast. New matrices of power are emerging in which the two Asian nuclear giants and economic powers – India and China – are going to play roles that would reshape relations and equations regionally and globally. Their rise emits a mixture of hopes, expectations and apprehensions in the region. The emerging scenario thus puts new demands on the Army to be prepared for bigger military roles beyond its areas of present engagements.  Whereas the Navy and Air Force can adapt to this altered and enhanced role sooner if their projected equipment and organisational requirements are effectively met, the Army would need the proxy war and border scenario altered to be of value in strategic power projection beyond borders.   

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's blitzkrieg of diplomatic touring abroad has evoked enormous interest throughout the world. He started from day one by inviting the heads of SAARC nations to his oath taking ceremony. His thrust on the foreign policy and closer cooperation with neighbours in South Asia and East Asia has evoked great interest among most countries in the region even as some have failed to hide their envy and apprehensions at India's emerging role in this part of the world. It is quite obvious that India's expanding commerce and closer relations with countries not in Chinese good books shall be contested in many ways. Pakistan is already apprehensive of India's growing clout with the US vis-à-vis its role in Afghanistan.

To nourish diplomatic and economic relations in South Asia and Asia Pacific, India will need to develop its military into a credible power to protect and promote its national interests in the region.  Even as the Navy needs more urgent and extensive development, the Army will need strategic reorientation and urgent modernisation that has been pending for years. The tri-service A&N Command already has Army units integrated into it. Creation of marine army formations and enhancing of amphibious capabilities will be prerequisites for power projection across blue seas.  

Army units, formations and commanders at all levels have remained preoccupied with proxy war situations in the Kashmir Valley, insurgency in the Northeast, an ever-burning LoC and with the PLA troops lurking along the LAC. To break out for a larger role in the Asian/South Asian region, the Army will have to look beyond borders and chart its new course in consonance with the Government's foreign policy and national objectives. India needs to settle issues with Pakistan and China to ensure safe and intact borders between neighbours. A by-product of our border settlement and improved relations with China could be a positive influence on Pakistan. In the event of India and China resolving their issues and transforming the LAC into a mutually accepted international border, Pakistan should be expected to come to terms with the new realities and sign up with India. To many in India and Pakistan such a hope might appear far-fetched today but Pakistan, already a victim of multi-pronged anarchy, cannot afford to be pushed into isolation. 

Strategic disengagement of the Army from the borders and inner commitments will enable the Army Headquarters to plan and conduct programmes for strategic reorientation, structural reorganisation wherever needed and expeditious modernisation. Already, India is one of the frontrunners in subscribing Army contingents to the UN peacekeeping missions. Select teams and units have been carrying out joint exercises with the Armies of a number of other countries including China. An army trained and equipped with the appropriate arms and equipment, poised to execute missions of national interest abroad shall be a natural deterrent for mischief mongers closer home.  

Shed Inertia, Synergise Action      

Unfortunately, this abundance of unique military potential that could have been harnessed to strategize foreign relations and promote national interests has been dissipated by a convention of politico-bureaucratic inertia which has steadfastly kept the Army not only out of the strategic decision making process but also neglecting to maintain its war worthiness.  This weird legacy of keeping the Army at arm's length is rooted in Pundit Jawahal Lal Nehru's penchant for building up India as a peace-loving nation on the principle of Panchsheel and non-violence. He viewed Army as a symbol of violence. Thankfully, the Chinese aggression of 1962 jolted him.  Krishna Menon who was Nehru's Defence Minister, like his mentor, also preferred to give more credence to the bureaucrats around him rather than the Army Chief even on matters of military significance.  The anti-Army stance of India's first generation political leadership emboldened the bureaucracy to usurp authority pushing the Services Headquarters further away. Despite recommendations by a number of study groups and committees constituted by the Government, no significant improvement has taken place.  Nothing is 'integrated' in the 'Integrated Headquarters of MoD (Army)'. The Army Headquarters functions in the same manner as ever before.  

Nevertheless, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to Siachen Glacier and other forward areas in J&K have kindled the hope for some far-reaching policy decisions. The Prime Minister's global vision is different. No longer restricted by the set-piece policies and options, his approach has the markings of a sagacious strategist who has the capacity chalk out a new course for India's march into the future. He is aware of the value of military power in such a journey and seems inclined to take Army, Navy and Air Force along in his quest to carve out a niche of power and prestige for India in the comity of nations. The arrival of Manohar Parrikar as the new Defence Minister also signals expeditious changes and far-reaching improvements including organisational restructuring of the Ministry of Defence.

The modernisation programme of the Army has suffered badly in the last 5-6 years.  During this period, a large number of sources of defence procurement – manufacturers and suppliers – were black listed. There being hardly any indigenous military equipment manufacturing, this retrograde action left the Army bereft of critical equipment and accessories for years to come.  Black listing has now been reviewed and revoked in many cases. Making up deficiencies of equipment will be, however, just one positive action in the system that requires extensive overhauling.  Of the two critical deficiencies – morale and material – the deficiency of arms and equipment has rightly caught the attention of the Government and appropriate actions seem to have been initiated.   

Match up 'Morale' to Modi's Global Quest

The most critical deficiency – the deficiency of MORALE – is yet to be addressed appropriately.  There are reasons for it.  The Government is unaware of this deficiency because no Army Chief has ever admitted lack of courage and morale in his Force leave alone reporting it to the Government.  Traditionally, admission of 'low morale' carries a stigma no soldier can bear. It is like admitting defeat and running away like a coward. That's unsoldierly! Even on deathbed, no soldier will ever admit his falling spirits. For the commanders, falling morale in command is a direct reflection on his leadership.  Yet, while high morale can compensate material deficiency to a large extend, no amount of material abundance can compensate the deficiency of morale – the primary battle winning factor for any army.  Therefore, the level of morale has to be gauged from the conduct and performance of men and units under stress. In the Indian Army, it has manifested through the rising trend of suicides, insubordination and fratricide, mutinous affront in units and reluctance of the youth to join Army as a career. As revealed by the Defence Minister recently on the floor of the Lok Sabha, as many as 362 soldiers have committed suicide since 2011 and the trend is rising every year. Giving more details in the current session of the Lok Sabha, the Defence Minister revealed that the Army was short of 7,989 officers and what should alarm all Indians, the major shortfall (7,764) was at the level of fighting leaders – Lt Cols, Majors, Captains and Lieutenants.  Infantry units, the cutting edge of the Army, are making do with only 11-12 officers against an authorised strength of 21. That means that officers at unit level are shouldering responsibilities twice their share!  

Intriguingly, factors such as socio-economic changes, smart phones and easy connectivity, enhanced awareness among troops and their families are being cited as 'causes' of suicides, insubordination and rebellious occurrences.  Nothing could be more humiliating and widely off the mark because the suggestion implied within such assumptions indicates official disapproval of social progress and the principle of natural growth. If education and societal development were a cause of the problem, would the modern Indian Army be happy enrolling school drop outs and homeless vagabonds instead of the educated, able bodied youth aspiring for a better future for self and family? Factors cited above as causes for the decay are in reality the tools of excellence that could only catalyse collective excellence in any team and organisation. The Army leadership has perhaps erred in perceiving the problem in its correct perspective. Dispassionate analysis of the situation and environments might throw up some real reasons for the declining morale and the trust deficit in officer-men relationship.

Nothing inspires a body of troops more than the personal example of their leader.  In the recent past, a number of poor examples have sprung up in the form of scams like Adarsh Society and Sukhna land scams involving top brass of the Army. Escalating rumours of bribery in equipment acquisition deals and fake encounters are some more glaring happenings of the recent years that have exposed the poorer side of military leadership. Observant subordinates who are often used as pawns in such unsavoury deeds feel cheated and exploited. Further, operating in proxy war scenario and frequently aiding the civil authorities, the soldier finds himself working in close proximity of the civil police, administration and politicians. It is in these environments that he observes from close quarters all the wheeling dealing between goons, touts, criminals and the police. The experience is disappointing for any soldier. Working with the army units of more advanced countries in different parts of the world has also had its effect in reshaping the traditional belief system of today's soldier. These experiences trigger new aspirations and leave lasting impressions on soldiers and officers.

Besides the spate of scams and court martial trials of some very senior army officers in the last five years, a large number of senior generals including at least one Army Chief were seen going to the court for personal gains. Even as they were all legally entitled to seek redress of their grievances, it only buttressed the growing belief among the subordinates that it is the self-interest and not virtues like altruism that spurs today's military leaders. This is a dangerous notion that cannot be allowed to grow and needs to be immediately reversed.

Besides the bureaucratic apathy and red tape, self-centric preoccupation of the top Army brass in the recent past has only facilitated the official neglect, which kept the fighting units waiting for essential equipment and accessories for years in the face of worsening security scenario in the country. Infantry units are still using weapons and sights of 1960s vintage. Induction of Arjun II MBT is further delayed for want of requisite missile system and tanks in service are mostly night blind for want of next generation night sights. No new generation gun has been added to the ageing Artillery since the mid 1980s when induction of Bofors made news for wrong reasons.  Such critical deficiencies also have had a telling effect on morale of the fighting units. When critical demands of essential equipment remain unmet for a long time, trust between the leader and his command takes a hit because subordinates attribute such lingering deficiencies to the incompetence of their leaders.     

Thankfully, the DAC has lately cleared acquisition of 8,000 anti-tank missiles (Spike ATGM), 300 launchers and 360 Armoured Personnel Carriers against long outstanding demands of the Army. The DAC under the chairmanship of Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar has also cleared acquisition of 814 artillery guns. In its quest to attain self-reliance in defence production, the Modi Sarkar has enunciated its policy of 'Make in India' under which most of the acquisition shall be on terms of technology transfer. For instance, only a hundred of the 814 artillery guns shall be purchased off the shelf.  The rest 714 shall be manufactured in India.  

To rise and match up to the Prime Minister Modi's vision of future India, the Indian Army will have reinvent itself culturally, conceptually and structurally to break free from outdated dogmas in the name of traditions.  The Army Chief must communicate directly with the political leadership so as to iron out misgivings if any and to educate the latter about the capabilities, limitations and requirements of the Army. Times are now ripe for evolving and firming up this process to integrate the Army as a co-axial component of India's foreign policy.  Undoubtedly, speedy modernisation of the Army is of paramount importance.  At the same time, ignoring the man behind the machine could negate all the advantages of modernisation.  

(Acknowledgement: This article was published in Geopolitics magazine (Jan 2015))

Indian Army – A Political Casualty

Karan Kharb

The splendid record of Indian Army's performance in wars and times of crises should be a source of great inspiration for the military personnel on the one hand and bolster people’s pride and confidence in their Army on the other. Quite on the contrary, however, serving military personnel and ex-servicemen are all visibly unhappy.

The rising trend of litigation and complaints of grievances against higher authorities also point towards declining morale and growing resentment. The present Government seems to have woken up to address some of these harsh realities but what is actually needed is a shift in the traditional political-bureaucratic mind-set about military vis-à-vis nation's defence needs. Be it war or other catastrophic situations, military is the last resort at the disposal of the government. Military aspects must therefore outweigh all other considerations because any compromise on military preparedness will imperil national defence and security.

'Proxy War' - A War of Attrition

            Proxy war is more sinister than conventional war in many ways. In a direct military-to-military confrontation, the enemy is clearly distinguishable from the civil population because in a conventional military scenario capturing and holding of territory dictates manoeuvres. In the proxy war scenario, the terrorists merge with the population and have no interest in holding territory. They operate in small groups, carry out their terror tasks and easily melt away in the masses. Besides, the conventional enemy would be logistically organised and self-reliant whereas the terrorists depend on the local sympathisers and havens in towns, villages or bahaks (shepherd huts in forests). Whereas the enemy supply lines would be discernible in the former case, there are no 'supply lines' in the latter case.

In the wake of counter terrorist military operations, freedom of people is frequently curtailed. Sometimes, innocent citizens get killed in the cross-fire between the army and the terrorists. There have also been a few cases where local informants have fed false information to the army units to get their rivals killed by planting credible evidence.  Two fallouts of these non-stop engagements are now having telling effects on the Army and the people: firstly, the Army is getting tired and frustrated; secondly, the local population is also becoming restive and anti-army. 

Military personnel are frequently taken to task for operations gone awry for want of workable intelligence or due to informer’s deceit. There are many cases filed against military personnel in various courts of law for ‘offences’ during operations. J&K and North East lead in such allegations and court cases against military personnel. Imagine soldiers having to operate under constant apprehension lurking to implicate them for excesses on innocent civilians. These are inevitable operational hazards that mar soldiers’ confidence in their commanders. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar recently informed the Lok Sabha that as many as 108 military personnel committed suicide during 2014 as on November 21.

What will further complicate the army operations in the affected areas is rising public opinion against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) which is perceived as granting carte blanche to the Army.             That this perception is grossly misconceived is clear from the number of soldiers killed in J&K alone in the last 25 years: 7,443 (as in Feb 2014) as against a combined total of 6387 Indian soldiers killed in the three Indo-Pak wars - 1965, 71 and 99 (Kargil). And while the Army's performance in the wars was spectacular earning the soldiers love and pride of the people, the attrition suffered by the Army during the last few decades has dismayed and disappointed both – people and the army.

Rekindle Offensive Spirit

            One of the basic doctrines of war is that the side that the army that has the initiative and carries the war into enemy territory enjoys the advantage. In the given context, Pakistan has the initiative and all the fighting takes place on the Indian territory. The Pakistan Army selects, trains and pushes armed proxies not only into J&K but also to attack eminent targets in Delhi, Mumbai and elsewhere leaving India to react to devastations planned in Pakistan and enacted here from time to time. The effect is that India has been chasing these so-called 'non-state actors' raised and deployed by Pakistan for over 25 years now and the end of this dirty war is not in sight yet. India cannot win this war conclusively unless Pakistan is convinced that investing in such initiatives shall be retaliated most fiercely imposing costs that Pakistan cannot afford.  

Professional modern armies like the western armies and the Israel Army have evolved decisive response system to deter perpetration of state sponsored terrorist acts. Israeli response to any provocation from any source has always been devastating. In its latest retaliation against Hamas kidnapping three Israeli teenagers in July 2014, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) launched an offensive into Gaza which left more than 2,000 Gazans killed. Israeli casualties were comparatively negligible:  66 Israeli soldiers and 5 Israeli civilians killed. After the 9/11 WTC disaster, the US Army invaded Afghanistan and continued man-hunt for the disaster's mastermind Osama bin Laden until the Navy Seals got him deep inside Pakistan in Abbotabad.  

In contrast to this India's response has always been feeble and only defensive. In 1999 when India was already a nuclear power, Pakistan Army dared to intrude and occupy Indian territory in Kargil. Rather than reacting fiercely against this misadventure, the Indian Army fought with self-imposed restrictions and lost nearly 600 lives only to regain its lost territory and 'refrained' from crossing the LoC 'to avoid escalating the conflict'.  Again, responding to the December 2001 terrorist attack on its Parliament, the Indian Government ordered what is known to be the biggest military mobilisation since 1971 against Pakistan. The Army remained deployed for nearly a year without achieving anything. Pakistani troops have frequently ambushed and even beheaded Indian soldiers on Indian soil in J&K. But retaliation even to such highly provocative acts has been no more than registering diplomatic protests and raising the volume of cross border firing.  Feeble response to these misadventures has established a pattern that has degraded the soldier's fighting potential and destroyed India's credibility as a military power in the region.    

Expecting Pakistan to punish Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi and his associates is naïve and ridiculous. The Army commandos and Special Forces of India are fully competent to undertake special missions to strike at designated targets deep inside enemy territory. Special missions must, therefore, be considered and undertaken to pick up or liquidate criminals like Lakhvi and to destroy terrorist training camps in Pakistan. It is intriguingly self-defeating that instead of Nuclear India deterring Pakistan misadventures; Nuclear Pakistan has been deterring India unfairly but more effectively.  Indian military authorities and Special Forces must work out a more effective response system that should compel Pakistan to negotiate peace with India. Most politicians and military generals in Pakistan have fair assessment of India's nuclear capabilities vis-à-vis Pakistan. It is therefore unreasonable to suspect that any decision maker would be so insane there as to think of nuclear option to retaliate against India's covert raids on precisely designated small targets like proclaimed offenders and terror breeding camps.   

Pakistan Army's view notwithstanding, the pro-peace lobby in that country is growing with politicians, business community and intelligentsia favouring cordial relations with India. Fresh peace initiatives, therefore, should be India's first option but from a position of strength.

Preparing the Army for coming Challenges

The practice of deploying the Army in the interior civilian areas for protracted periods is a flawed concept which must change. Army's war fighting potential is degrading because in dealing with own civilians the soldier's 'killing instincts' are replaced by 'kinder restraint'. The awe and respect for the Army in the civilian mind also diminishes gradually. Therefore, dealing with security situations in the interior civilian areas should remain a police responsibility. The Army should be left to concentrate on what is most expected of it – come into action only as a 'last resort' to deal with exceptionally grave situations. After accomplishing their task, the Army units must quickly disengage and return to their primary role at the LAC, LoC or cantonments to train and prepare for bigger roles.

Although India's relations with China are apparently thawing, we still have claims and counter claims on territories across the 4,056 km Line of Actual Control (LAC).  Frequently, Chinese troops have intruded to stake claim on the Indian territory in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. Development of rail-road network and military infrastructure in forward areas of the Tibet region has been a cause of concern for India. Despite fast growing trade and economic cooperation between India and China, they have contentious issues spread from the South China Sea to the Indian Ocean besides the existing border issues.

Even more serious are the developments taking place further north where the Karakoram highway has been upgraded from 10 m to 33 m wide two-way road trebling its transport capacity and linking China to the warm water port of Gwadar. While Pakistan has already ceded Shaksgam Valley to China, there are also reports of Pakistan leasing the region of Gilgit Baltistan to China for a period of 50 years. With the Karakoram highway now upgraded from 10 m to 33 m enhancing transportation capacity by three times, China now has easy access to the warm water port of Gwadar. Its rising domination in the Gilgit-Baltistan-Karakoram region while China continues to hold the Indian territory of Aksai Chen is a matter of concern for India.    

Steadily, China is encircling India strategically from all directions. It is aggressively expanding its reach in Myanmar, Srilanka and other island nations in the Indian Ocean. Until now India had ignored the creepy Chinese advance that could result in India's 'continental isolation'. Thankfully, the Modi Sarkar now appears to have woken up to the emerging geo-political scenario in the region as indicated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's thrust in revitalising India's relationships with SAARC countries and island nations in the Indian Oceans.

A crucial fact that has been overlooked by strategists in India is that while there is always a strategic military component woven into development projects China undertakes in the East and South Asian countries. China negotiates partnership and retains long-term control of the facilities created through joint projects ranging from mining to infrastructure development, ports and highways. In the Indian context even today, it would be unthinkable to have a military say in foreign trade, commerce or matters relating to diplomacy and foreign relations. It is the flawed politico-bureaucratic perception of successive governments that has not allowed the Military to disentangle from the environs of insurgency and proxy war to prepare and attend to larger national interests on and beyond land borders.  Diplomacy, foreign trade and relations shall yield more if backed by credible military potential particularly when a number India's neighbours look up to it for support.  

OROP - Hopes slipping to Despair and Anger

Karan Kharb

I was there yesterday with them at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. Among these Veterans on a Relay Hunger Strike seeking implementation of their 40 year old demand - one rank one pension (OROP) were many decorated warriors, war widows and those who had sacrificed their limbs or sons in battles.

Although the initial plan was to have only 15 volunteers fasting daily, more and more Ex-servicemen poured in voluntarily from various towns and villages insisting to join the relay fast.

Moved by their soldierly zeal to fight for justice, I met and saluted each of them. I counted 35 fasting veterans and a gathering of about 200 others cheering them in their crusade for a Cause. Speaker after speaker lamented on the bureaucratic callousness. Some were so agitated and angry that they threatened the Government with dire consequences.

While parking my car, I overheard a small group of 4-5 people under talking to one person who appeared very angry. When I approached them, I learnt that Ram Chander (60) a teacher in Jhunjunu (Rajasthan) was planning to commit suicide either by hanging from the tree or by self-immolating himself. Why? Because his son - a Hav in a Grenadiers unit had sacrificed his life in a terrorist encounter in Kupwara (J&K) in 2012 leaving behind three younger siblings, a daughter and a son. I argued it out with him. "Why are you so angry. Your daughter-in-law must be getting "full last drawn salary" of your son which is much higher than any family pension rate? You are not even affected by OROP."

"Kya baat kar rahe ho aap? Mera beta apne ghar walon ke liye Kupwara mein jakar marne gaya tha kya? Nahin Sahb wo desh ke liye qurban hua hai. Mera dil aaj saari Fauj ke liye ro raha hai. Yeh Neta, ye Tehsildar se lekar Chief Secretary tak ke officer log loot machaye hue hain. Udhar Jo sainik desh ki sarhadon par khun bahakar ya to mar jate hain ya pension aa jate hain -- aur yeh unka haq nahin de rahe. OROP jise koi bhi nakar bhi nahi raha lekin de bhi nain raha. Aise desh mein mein jeena hi nahi chahta.mein.....Iss se to angrezon ki ghulami achchi thi....."

It was hard for me to refute his arguments and dissuade him from his horrifying intentions. Then I lied to him that I was privy to some inner developments being underway at the PMO and MoD in which the PM is personally addressing these very issues and "soon we shall see some far reaching policy revisions restoring all the lost privileges, status and honour of the military service......So don't be in a hurry."

"Aur aapki baat jhooth nikali to?" he cautioned me astonishingly.

I said, "In that case, I shall join you - I shall embrace Death here before you. You may follow me thereafter. But let's have patience and give this Government some time. Because, we have trusted Modi but not given him enough time to put long term policies into effect."

Thankfully, he cooled down and relented. But what if my false assurance actually proved false in the future? What if he calls me up (he has my contact number and address now) after 15 August or after Vijay Diwas on 16 December or after the next year Kargil day or Independence Day and tells me, "Lo ji, ab batao kya plan hai aapki?"

How shall I face him then? I pray for early release of OROP and a string of Military Reforms to save my life and Ram Chander's - and who knows how many more!. Ram Chander and I may live or die but if the the Military continues to be treated like this - neglected and humbled at home - then it shall only imperil the national security very dangerously particularly in the wake of ever growing Pakistan sponsored terrorism in J&K, Maoist insurgency spreading in other parts of the country and ISIS nodes reportedly having made inroads into India's terror outfits.

Coordinators, however, intervened to discourage provocative outbursts and maintain the apolitical nature of the protest. A consensus had been already been reached to ensure an atmosphere of decorum of discipline restraining intemperate outbursts, personal attacks, politicization or any hate-speech.

Col Inderjeet Singh, the nonagenarian military Veteran who has been fighting and winning all legal battles on the issue of OROP, visits the Jantar Mantar venue daily in his wheel chair. Maj Gen Satbir Singh, Lt Gen Balbir Singh and a host of other retired military officers/JCOs/Petty Officers/WOs/NCOs including general officers, vice/rear admirals and air marshals throng this venue everyday.

Far from diminishing, the idiosyncratic military zeal is in fact catching up with an ever growing number of volunteers coming to register their "hazri" and support at the Venue daily. Similar protest Relay Fasts are going on in 60 other towns and cities in various states all over the country. Even as political harangues have been disallowed by the organizers, the election tempo building up in Bihar seemed to be swaying military veterans away from BJP in that state.

As of date, OROP stands approved and accepted by the Parliament and the Government. Only the implementation is stuck in what can be termed as "hang fire" - a military term used for a rocket/round which is loaded in the chamber of the weapon but does not fire despite trigger/firing knob being pressed.

Time is now running out. The Government must be seen acting decisively in the expected Modi style over ruling the dirty bureaucratic officialese.

OROP in Hangfire! Will it blast or boom?

Modi-Ji, This Broken Promise is An Act of Dishonour

Dr Shashi Tharoor

 (NDTV Story First Published: January 01, 2015 00:15 IST)

 

 

(Dr. Shashi Tharoor is a two-time MP from Thiruvananthapuram, the Chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs, the former Union Minister of State for External Affairs and Human Resource Development and the former UN Under-Secretary-General. He has written 14 books, including, most recently, Pax Indica: India and the World of the 21st Century.)

New Year's Resolutions, it is said, are made to be broken. There's something about a new dawn that inspires the earnestness of yearned-for virtue in most of us, and we solemnly pledge to do this and that in the course of the New Year which we never thought ourselves capable of fulfilling in the old. And then, as the New Year turns less new, we tend to regret those rash resolutions, modify them, ignore them, or most of all, simply forget them.

Our new government didn't wait for the New Year to make something of a habit of breaking its promises, as a celebrated Congress Party publication on the BJP's many U-turns pointed out in early December. To some degree, this is unsurprising in most democracies: after all, as New York Governor Mario Cuomo famously pointed out more than two decades ago, "you campaign in poetry, but you govern in prose".

Extravagant campaign promises tend to look much more difficult to fulfil when faced with the reality of government.

But still, it is something new to discover a government breaking a promise that it has repeatedly made not just in its campaign but on the floor of Parliament, expressed by the Finance Minister in his Budget speech and repeated by the Prime Minister himself. A failure to fulfil such promises is normally, in most parliamentary democracies, a resigning matter, but our government carries on, blithely unconcerned. Meanwhile, of this particular promise, there is no sign of any intention to actually fulfil it.

What am I going on about? Very simple: it is the pledge to ensure "One Rank One Pension" for our retired military personnel, who currently suffer gross injustice through the provision of pensions that have not been indexed to inflation, so that a Brigadier who retired twenty years ago gets a lower pension than a Captain who leaves the force this year.

This entirely reasonable demand - made by people who have risked their lives to protect our borders, our nation, and us - was acceded to by the UPA government, echoed by the NDA, and announced again by the new regime after its ascension to power. Barely two months ago, Prime Minister Modi declared emotionally on his visit to the troops in Siachen that "One Rank One Pension has been fulfilled".

But Modi-ji, it has not been fulfilled. Not one soldier has received an enhanced pension; meanwhile leaks in the newspapers "reveal" that the Finance Ministry has had a change of heart, saying that justice to our men in uniform would "cost too much".

It seems the Comptroller of Defence Accounts has estimated that the cost of One Rank One Pension could be as high as 9,300 crore. It may sound a lot, but the estimated budget for Mr Modi's much-vaunted statue of Sardar Patel is 1,500 crore, which puts this sum in perspective.

At a recent media conclave, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar hedged his bets, suggesting that ex-servicemen would get 80% of the promised pension, and adding that "100% satisfaction to everyone is never given in real life."  This is an utter travesty. Is Mr Modi prepared to stand before the nation and say that we should not believe anything he promises, but that he will try to deliver 80% of it? If the Kargil war had happened on his watch, would we have to be content with getting 80% of the heights back?

Our soldiers never make 80% effort; they give 100%, indeed more. The nation owes them at least this much.

It is true I have a soft corner for our armed forces. I believe they embody the best of what India can be, but so rarely is: they are motivated, professional, meritocratic, competent, reliable, free of caste and religious prejudice, and they take risks the rest of us would not dare to. Yet we treat them in a disgracefully cavalier fashion.

During my UN peace-keeping years, when I dealt with a large number of senior military officers and issues from around the world, I was appalled to see how poorly our professional officers were valued by our self-regarding bureaucracy.

Whereas our officers, man to man, outshone their counterparts from Western militaries in their competence, intelligence and humanity, our system subjected them to various petty indignities. A full Colonel with over 25 years of service behind him is ranked by our babus below a Director in protocol terms. I have suffered through peacekeeping seminars in which a knowledgeable Indian military officer had to defer to a callow bureaucrat in discussions on military matters. At a time when post-Cold War peacekeeping called for serious levels of military expertise at the UN Headquarters in New York, India remained the only Permanent Mission to the UN (of any major peace-keeping contributor) not to post a military adviser. Our diplomats believed they knew it all themselves.

This attitude extends to conditions of service across the board. A Joint Secretary, with nineteen years of professional experience, is deemed the equivalent of a Major-General, who not only has thirty years but has commanded men and materiel, made life-and-death decisions and protected our nation. We pay pensions to a lot more Joint Secretaries than Major-Generals (only 0.8% of army officers ever attain Major General rank). Yet we are now quibbling about the cost.

Who are the people we are cheating here by pinching pennies? Some 20 lakh ex-servicemen and four lakh widows. It is time to ask the Government of Messrs Modi and Jaitley: gentlemen, have you no shame?

It is ironic that the BJP, which prides itself on a robust attitude to defence, should betray its own promises to the men who actually defend our country. Building a War Memorial is symbolism, which the Modi government seems much better at than substance. Actually making a difference in the lives of our retired service personnel is the kind of tangible benefit this government shrinks from too often.

As far back as 2003, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence recommended One Rank One Pension, calling it "a debt" the nation had to pay. It is a debt our Government must honour. Not to do so is an act of dishonor. It dishonours the nation and the flag these men have fought to defend. And it thoroughly discredits those who would treat the well-being of our jawans and officers as one more election promise to be lightly cast aside.

Military Morale – A Perilous Neglect

Karan Kharb

In terms of national defence preparedness, the last decade has been particularly worrisome.  Modernisation programmes and defence acquisition initiatives have remained mired in scams resulting in blacklisting of large number of firms that virtually blocked vital sources of equipment procurement. This has led to poor maintenance and upkeep of warlike equipment as has been amply evident from the frequent accidents and mishaps in the aircraft and submarines. Cases of suicide and insubordination in the military units have also shown a rising trend.  That discontent is steadily growing even in the higher echelons is evident from an ever-rising number of senior military officers going to courts to seek redress of their grievances. Never before in the history were so many star rank officers court-martialled as in the last few years.  What would explain the eerie disquiet and simmering resentment in the top military leadership more than the fact that an Army Chief had to sue the Government and a Navy Chief resigned in disgust?

Military affairs have obviously been neglected badly over the years. The age-old convention of keeping military insulated from the civilian gaze has lately proved to be detrimental in two ways.  Firstly, the decay has remained hidden from the public for long in the name of 'military security'. Secondly, it has encouraged the political leadership and the bureaucracy to remain strategically ignorant and logistically indifferent towards military needs even as the Armed Forces were always taken for granted on the face value. Thankfully, the new dispensation in New Delhi – the Modi Sarkar – now seems to have woken up to this grave reality.  The black listing has been reviewed and a number of vital procurement projects have since been cleared by the Government.  Prime Minister Narendra Modi has visited and interacted with troops in the forward areas including Siachen Glacer, Naval and Air Force bases but, thanks to the deep rooted military custom, no officer or jawan could be expected to appear anything but proud and happy in the company of a visiting dignitary – more so when the dignitary happens to be Narendra Modi – no matter what problems they faced.  The fact, however, is that in clearing the long pending acquisition projects, even the new government has taken note of only the tangible military assets.  The intangible and even more vital asset – morale of the fighting men – still lies less cared, far below the optimum levels. No amount of modern technology and wherewithal can win a war until the man behind the gun is adequately motivated to give out his best.  Military history is replete with evidence that even ill equipped but highly motivated soldiers have won battles defeating better equipped but badly led and poorly motivated units.  

Unfortunately, decision makers in India have viewed the question of 'military morale' in a skewed manner as if it were merely a 'welfare issue', a notion that has prevented governments to fathom the real value of this war winning factor called 'military morale'. Such mind-sets threaten to turn this invaluable asset into an unaffordable liability for the nation.  Ignorance of military capabilities, limitations and needs has led successive pay commissions to treat Armed Forces just another 'government service'. Pundit Nehru and his contemporaries had despised military as a non-productive and unwanted organisation in a Panchsheel inspired India. This attitude of the national leadership earned them the rude shock of Chinese aggression in 1962. That attitude seemed to again overwhelm the government during the last decade.  The new regime in New Delhi will have to comprehensively review and reorient the official viewpoint about the country's Armed Forces to comprehend the problems and to rebuild India's military potential.  

Unique Terms and Conditions of Service:

1.         Truncated Career span. As many as 75 per cent military personnel retire between the age group of 35 to 42 years even as most of their schoolmates in civil life would still be streamlining their career. Of the remaining, 20 per cent retire between the age of 42-52 years; and a fraction 5 per cent retire between the age of 52-60 years. In the civil services on the contrary, every employee has an assured job up to the age of 60 years, a stage in life when life's responsibilities are mostly over providing the employee optimal fulfilment in a happy retired life. In sharp contrast to this, a soldier retiring in his late thirties or early forties is surrounded by onerous responsibilities like buying or constructing a house, school-going children, ageing parents, younger siblings and a host of other familial-social obligations.  

2.         Long Separation from Family: Military service necessitates frequent transfers and postings at non-family stations devoid of basic amenities of the civilised world. Children of military personnel remain mostly deprived of parental care and fatherly affection in their formative years. Even in peace stations, majority of the personnel have to stay in barracks still separated from their families owing to service exigencies.  Cases of encroachment on the property of military personnel and exploitation of their families at the behest of unscrupulous elements in villages have been rising, as are the costs on justice.

3.         Unmatched Hazards and Hardships: Active borders, insurgency and terrorism have placed unique demands on the military that has to adapt to the changing role, terrain, climate and operational environment. Indian military finds itself drawn in to handle conflicts in areas as varied as towns, cities, forests, desert, frosty mountains and glacial high altitude exposing troops to risks like exhaustion, pulmonary oedema, frostbite and icy crevasses that swallow lives. Even in times of cease-fire, Indian troops perpetually remain at war with the vagaries of Nature – treacherous terrain and chilling climate, which has claimed more lives than the enemy forces. Operational environments are such that momentary casualness and minor mistakes can be fatal and one hardly ever gets a second chance. Peace or field, land or sea, a soldier is 24 hours on duty and there are is no such thing as 'duty hours' or 'overtime' in this profession.

4.         Fundamental Rights curtailed: The Fundamental rights like freedom of speech, expression and assembly and the right to form associations or unions enjoyed by every citizen under Article 19 (1) (a) (b) and (c) of the Constitution are abrogated in their application to members of the Armed Forces because of the special nature of duties performed by the members of these Forces. These provisions are like a lid over a cauldron while the steam builds within. In such a scenario, the absence of a sensitive and responsive safety valve can be highly dangerous because the turmoil building within cannot be seen as clearly as in the case of non-military setting where people's dissatisfaction manifests instantly and openly in the media and streets. Therefore, it is in the highest national interests that the government must be sensitive and receptive to the military advice and opinions expressed by the top brass of the Armed Forces.    

5.         Nation's Last Resort: The role of India's Armed Forces is to protect territorial integrity of India, defend the country from external aggression, internal security threats and to restore order and services in situations like natural calamity, disasters and civil disturbances when it is no longer possible for the civil authority to manage affairs. In addition, a bigger global role requiring India's Armed Forces to undertake peacekeeping operations across continents is also steadily evolving in the face of instable regimes, expanding menace of international terrorism and other regional conflicts. In the evolving geopolitical equations, India can be only as strong as its military power. In times of grave crises when all components of civil machinery fail, authorities and people alike turn to Military, which has a glorious record of superb performance. But if ever the military failed, all hopes and options of the country would crash. Unquestionably, military might is the ultimate power of the state and its last resort to assert its will domestically, regionally and even globally. Logically, if their delivery standards in turning chaos to normalcy after all other components of the civil administration had failed have been so unique and unmatched, why should the salaries and privileges of military personnel not be likewise unique and unmatched, that is, a notch above all else?  

            The rising trend of revolt and insubordination among the serving military personnel and the ex-servicemen (ESM) taking to streets, returning their medals and protesting against injustice are eloquent reminders for the government and the people that their military is losing its sheen and self-esteem. Whereas there is a need to constitute a Defence Reforms Commission to examine all aspects of national security and defence preparedness, the immediate need is to restore the fading sheen and self-esteem of the Armed Forces.   Seventh Pay Commission has been constituted even as anomalies of the 6^th Pay Commission are yet to be resolved.  It has neither a military member on its panel nor specific terms of reference to improve the lot of the Armed Forces.    

            In the backdrop of these realities, it is necessary to identify the impediments and pave the way for definitive and speedy improvements in the state of affairs.      

Official Antipathy

Departments and organisations created to serve interests of the serving and retired military personnel have gradually become either defunct or counters of corrupt practices.  The ESM community is unhappy with the functioning of departments like the Department of Ex-servicemen Welfare (DESW) and Rajya and Zila Sainik Boards. The DESW headed and staffed by civilians who are neither organised nor trained and oriented to comprehend and serve the interests of the ex-servicemen. Rajya and Zila Sainik Boards are no more than a countersigning authority, which is often seen as another layer of bureaucratic red tape to impede and delay rather than hasten and sharpen the process in favour of the ex-servicemen. Directorate General of Resettlement (DGR) headquartered in New Delhi, though staffed by military personnel, is powerless in garnering adequate jobs and occupations for the retiring military personnel.   

Growing callousness in the government offices has forced the ESM to voice their woes through rallies and protest marches.  Thousands returned their medals to the President pledging that they would receive these tokens of honour back only after their grievances are redressed honourably.  At the top of the list of their grievances is the issue of 'one rank one pension' (OROP) which has been tantalising the ESM community despite having been accepted by both – the outgoing UPA Government and even the more promising Modi Sarkar.

As for the serving military personnel, all the three Chiefs of Services had expressed their dissatisfaction over the 'raw deal' given to military personnel by the 6^th Pay Commission and the Manmohan Singh Government itself.     

The anti-military mind-set of the bureaucracy seems to have formalised the practice of challenging all court verdicts given in favour of serving or retired soldiers into an official policy of the government, whereas challenging such verdicts should be a rarity. Here are just a few samples of how this official antipathy has ripened into an outright brazen animosity towards military:-

(a)    OROP: The issue of OROP has affected the morale of the Armed Forces more than any other issue because today's serving soldier is tomorrow's ESM.  The "principle of OROP" has been upheld by all – the Government, political parties, and parliamentary committees. It has been unequivocally accepted by PC Chidambaram and Arun Jaitlely on the floor of the Parliament amidst thunderous applause. Whatever be behind the scene machinations, if any, no department, agency or organisation has openly raised any objection to this entitlement of military personnel. Yet, the ESM community continues waiting for it till this day! And lately, it is rumoured that the Defence Minister has referred the matter to "a Tribunal".  That means the bureaucratic red tape has won and the OROP will lie to ferment until the next Defence Minister alters the status quo!

(b)   The Disability Pension Case: Dismissing a Central Government appeal (CS Sidhu Vs Union of India) on 31 March 2010 against the grant of adequate disability pension to an army officer who had lost an arm in an accident while on duty in a high altitude field area, a Supreme Court bench noted this official antipathy and caustically remarked, "….Is this the way you treat those brave army officers? It is unfortunate that you are treating them like beggars…… The army personnel are bravely defending the country even at the cost of their lives and we feel they should be treated in a better and more humane manner by government authorities, particularly in respect of their emoluments, pension and other benefits."    

(c)    Denial of Enhanced Pension: The case of illegal deduction of 'enhanced pension' from the salary of re-employed ESM has been playing seesaw since 1997. The 'deduction order' of the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) was challenged in the Delhi High Court, which quashed it on 09 August 2004. When it was not implemented, the matter was again taken to the Delhi High Court, which passed strictures against the government on 23 May 2008, calling the non-implementation "high-handed and need to be deprecated" and observing, "Such action besides being illegal and unwarranted was also contemptuous."  Yet, the government filed a special leave petition against it, which was yet again dismissed by the Supreme Court on 07 November 2009.  The ESM, however, are still shunting from pillar to post!

(d)   The Rank Pay Case: Rank Pay arrears accruing to all those officers of the Armed Forces who held ranks of captain to brigadier and their equivalents in the Navy and Air Force from 01 January 1986 onwards have been unfairly denied to both serving and retired officers ever since. After the government approved recommendations of the 4^th Pay Commission in 1987, the CDA (Officers) deducted an amount equal to the rank pay while re-fixing the pay of officers.  This was challenged by Major AK Dhanapalan and the Kerala High Court held the action of the CDA (Officers) wrong and ruled that the pay be re-fixed without deducting the rank pay and arrears accruing since 01 January 1986 be paid to the petitioner. All the government appeals were successively rejected. After the Supreme Court ruling the government issued orders for re-fixation of pay in respect of the petitioner only, leaving all the similarly affected officers of the Armed Forces in a quandary. Later when the Retired Defence Officers Association (RDOA) filed a case to claim the same justice as granted to Dhanapalan for all others similarly affected, their plea was upheld and government appeals finally rejected at the apex court.  Yet, the heads of the concerned departments in the government deftly devise new intricacies to delay and deny the genuine dues of soldiers despite stern rulings from the highest judiciary. Even today, both serving and retired officers continue waiting for their long denied dues.    

Today, there are over a hundred cases decided by courts in favour of the military personnel – serving and retired. Almost all these cases are a result of either remarkable inefficiency or callous and hostile attitude of government officials heading the concerned departments.  The practice of government filing SLPs in every case decided in favour of these aggrieved soldiers lays bare the hostile attitude against the sentinels of national defence and security. 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's closer inter-action with the Armed Forces has kindled a new hope among the serving military personnel and the ESM. While the comprehensive defence reforms can be assigned to an appropriately constituted commission, the following issues must be addressed and resolved without any further lingering:-

(a)             The 7^th Pay Commission: The 7^th Pay Commission has no military expert on its panel to offer sound advice on the special features of the military service and genuine requirements of the personnel in this profession of arms. There is a need to have a military member on the panel and specific terms of reference concerning the uniqueness of military occupation that distinguishes the service from all others.  Also, the terms of reference must include military being treated as a "unique and matchless service" that deserves special privileges. Their pay, allowances and perquisites must be a level above the highest paid government service.

(b)             Grant of Non-functional Upgrade (NFU): The organisational structure of military is so pyramidal that a large number are squeezed from its sharply narrowing funnel and left out to stagnate. Being thus deprived of higher promotions despite possessing requisite qualifications frustrates large number of efficient officers. There should be a system like NFU to keep them motivated and to avail of their knowledge and experience even if they cannot be given higher promotions. Justifiably, no other service merits the grant of NFU more than the military because the stagnation rate is nowhere as high in the civil services as in the military.  Yet, this provision is granted to the civil administrative cadre (Group A Service) but not to the military service.   

(c)              Right to Vote: Military personnel can vote at the place of their posting as per directions issued by the Election Commission.  However, a large number of military voters and their families in cantonments remain deprived of their right to vote freely. 

(d)             Armed Forces Commission: The Government must consider institutionalising a central authority to safeguard interests of the Services and ESM.  Departments like DESW, Rajya and Zila Sainik Boards and DGR may be abolished.

Justifiable needs and genuine grievances of the serving military personnel and the ESM are inseparably interlinked and must be addressed holistically. Treating issues concerning them as mere 'welfare issues' is a short-sighted misplaced notion because morale and motivation of the Armed Forces is the single most valuable national asset that can be dissipated at grave national peril.