Prakash Katoch
[Lt Gen Prakash Katoch is one of India's most decorated Military Leader with a record of leading many high risk commando missions and commanding Special Forces and Formations with great success through some of the most hazardous operations. He always was where war, terror or crisis was at its worst. Matching his valour, he has a sharp brain and an intellect that make him the most sought after advisor on national security, international relations, strategic affairs, military, technical and topical issues. Over 160 articles authored by him have appeared in various magazines and journals. He holds the Field Marshal KM Cariappa Chair of Excellence at the USI of India and is authoring a book on “Special Forces of India.” Has been contracted by the Centre For Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi to author a book on “Netcentricity and Indian Military.”]
John Quinton, American writer once wrote, “Politicians are
people who, when they see light at the end of the tunnel, go out and buy some
more tunnel.” Appears happening in Kashmir, at least on the Indian side. Some ‘overnight’
security strategists wake up one fine morning feeling they are best judges of matters
military; better than the military itself. Last year the Chief Minister of
J&K suddenly decided J&K was the most serene place on earth and
declared arbitrarily, without reference to stake holders, he would revoke AFSPA
(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) naming areas including known terrorist
strongholds. A terrorist incident immediately thereafter even led a squeamish
politician from the same party accusing the Army of engineering the attack.
Interestingly, the CM’s statement came despite 195 terrorist
incidents in J&K during 2011, spate of infiltration attempts, LeT training
21 female suicide bombers for attacking J&K, CM demanding 50 additional
police battalions and the Centre allocating INR 499 crores to J&K for upgrading
weaponry to fight terror. Luckily, status quo was maintained after much
discussion including diluting
AFSPA that could be highly disadvantageous to security forces fighting vicious
insurgency and exposing troops to decades of litigation for legitimate acts.
Presently, the CM is again gunning for revoking AFSPA despite
continuous unprovoked firing by Pakistan, the State admitting 3084 youth of J&K are undergoing
arms training in 42 terrorist camps across border, 2500 terrorists in Pakistan
Occupied Kashmir awaiting chance of infiltration, focused killing of Panchayat
(village level elected body) members by Pakistani terrorists, over 100 Panchayat
members resigning and Centre rushing 7000 additional Central Reserve Police
Force personnel to J&K to control the deteriorating security situation. Can
there be a worse example of short sightedness for narrow political goals?
Last year when the Army Chief remarked that J&K administration
had not capitalized on low levels of violence maintained by security forces,
the present CM’s father went ballistic; himself an erstwhile CM of J&K who
came to power following massive rigging of elections in 1987 initiating
insurgency in the State. Army is sent in when the State administration fails.
AFSPA in J&K came into effect through an Act of Parliament on 10 September, 1990 when its requirement was
felt by the Parliament to provide administrative and legal mechanism for Armed
Forces in counter-insurgency. AFSPA is not a
tool for the Armed Forces to run riot. Politically motivated human rights
groups may portray AFSPA as ‘draconian’ and ‘human rights abuse’ but the record
of Indian Armed Forces compared to say counter-insurgency operations in
Afghanistan, Iraq and even Sri Lanka has been exceptional with minimal possible
collateral damage and without use of heavy weapons, air and artillery. National
Human Rights Commission statistics prove that only 4-5 percent of human rights abuse
allegations have proved true and armed forces have ensured exemplary
punishments in every case.
Armed Forces do
not want prolonged deployment in counter insurgency but the State
administration has to do their part to normalize environment, which is sadly
lacking. The CM continuously rejects implementation of 73rd and 74th
Amendments of the Indian Constitution that empowers Panchayats. Delhi Policy
Group (Think Tank based in New Delhi) held a comprehensive round table on
J&K with politicians of every hue of J&K whose unanimous antipathy was
that the State Government is ensuring Panchayats have no powers. How then can
governance improve at the grassroots? Isn’t this by design, insurgency and criminalization
of politics having become a currency for retaining power. The opposition in
J&K too has clear links with Hijbul Mujahideen.
The phenomenon is
not new in India; take the hate speeches in Assam during Emergency era that
created ULFA, Illegal Migrants - Determination by
Tribunals Act of 1984 for Assam that regularized illegal Bangladeshi immigrants
(many possibly trained in terrorist camps) drastically altering demographic
profile till struck down in 2005 by Supreme Court as “unconstitutional”, training
and arming Bodos, creation of Bhindranwale and what have you. Nagaland was
perfect for optimizing political gains since all insurgents were based in
adjoining state of Manipur and could be summoned to keep up violence when
required. India used an entire Division to decimate the Maoist movement at
Naxalbari few years back, yet the movement has been allowed to grow
exponentially largely through mis-governance. Political power apart, insurgency
is good for individual finances. The Centre doles out enormous funds, accountability
not sought andno one the wiser. Presently, the Indian Home Minister has talked
of “credible intelligence reports of Pakistan trying to stir up trouble in India
by helping terrorist infiltration” but what the stance of the Centre will be
next summer with elections approaching is anybody’s guess especially if
Pakistan ensures a prolonged tactical pause.
For political
gains, the Centre may go to any length as demonstrated by the underhand Track
II agreement to demilitarize Siachen without debate in Parliament. Since government
officials formally briefed the Track II Team prior to proceeding to Lahore, it makes
it official and smacks of intrigue at highest levels. Perhaps AFSPA could not
be revoked presently because of stiff opposition by the Northern Army Commander
but he retires next year. A mischievous report titled ‘Kashmir Vs Northern
Command’ in ‘Geopolitics’ of October 2012 talking of differing perception of
Army Headquarters and Northern Command indicates government’s dirty tricks
department in play.
The Army Chief
categorically stated recently he is against Siachen demilitarization yet the
government ignored his advice. Next summer may see revoking AFSPA from J&K
since J&K is part of the ruling coalition. Last time when militancy similarly
went down in J&K, Pakistan made massive intrusions in Kargil forcing
diversion of troops that facilitated infiltration. Revoking of AFSPA will
re-ignite Kashmir Valley while withdrawal from Siachen will set Ladakh afire
with terrorist bases mushrooming all over Ladakh and Zanskar Ranges. Hopefully,
rumours that the new Foreign Minister has been brought in just to ensure this
are untrue but John Quinton must
know we don’t need to buy tunnels here, we dig our own!
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